Topic > Women Leaders Around the World: Sexism on the Road to Power

Since ancient times, women leaders have led powerful empires as hereditary monarchs. However, it was not until 1960 that the first woman appointed head of state, Siriviamo Bandaranaike from Sri Lanka, ascended to the position of head of state. In 1974, following the death of Argentina's president, Juan Peron, Isabel Peron was secretly sworn in as the next president. She became the first female leader to hold an executive position in history. Since then it has become a normal thing for more and more women to be nominated and elected as rulers of their countries. As of August 2017, seventeen women held influential positions. Women have been selected or appointed as heads of state in powerful nations such as India, the United Kingdom, Chile and Germany. These female prime ministers and presidents had active command over large populations, respect for their people, robust economies, and nuclear weapons. Although the number of female leaders continues to grow, the list remains relatively short, and even those who manage to rise to power remain in office for a limited period. Something discourages women from taking executive political positions, yet some like Benazir Bhutto and Ellen Sirleaf have made it. Political careers, contexts of instability, political structures, family ties, and opposition politics have gendered implications for women politicians' rise to power. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay Female leaders assume power through strong family ties to former national rulers. Normally these women come from influential (patriarch) families. They are always cultural environments where politics is a just family, family and kinship are the basis of political identity, just as the family, as opposed to the person, is powerful. Women learn how to act as political leaders by observing their parents' conduct and by being exposed to politics at an early age. The passage of power between generations is facilitated by political socialization. Additionally, people develop trust and support when they come from recognizable families. Women leaders with strong family ties see their successes in office attributed to men in their family context. Furthermore, coming to power following a traditional gender role makes them less threatening to the gender of politics as a male domain. Gender influences how women from political dynasties come to power and how they are perceived as political rulers. Women who enter office after marrying a martyr leader are considered less threatening to the current political system and are seen as substitutes for their counterparts. These women follow in their husbands' footsteps during the campaign and prove themselves as a progression of his excellent leadership. They act on behalf and are expected to have the same political positions and opinions as their husbands. Women are more attractive and appropriate "heirs" than male relatives because they appear not to challenge the status quo and are natural substitutes for their husbands, not driven by their personal interests. They assume few positions of power because they hold office for a short time and are controlled by men out of sight of the general public. However, Piper Hodson argues that women must deal with family ties before they can take on leadership. Only politicians who know how to properly utilize a widow's "legacy", such as name recognition, symbolism, and patrician status, become rulers. Men also rise to powerful positions by being part of political dynasties. Kiamba31 highlights the way political family dynastiesthey are not limited to women who succeed their fathers or husbands. Being part of the four-generation political dynasty, she was succeeded by Indira Gandhi's son. According to Jalalzai, women with family ties should not be considered inexperienced in politics. It recognizes that systems based on political dynasties offer reasonable grounds for men, especially in the same nations where women take office. However, he points out that political regimes may be the only option available. Women become leaders in some states. Women also enter office through a political climber's path. By participating in a political party for a certain period, leaders build a name for themselves. Political climbers do not enter politics with the intention of holding influential positions simply because they have no track record of women taking on executive positions. Instead, they usually take executive positions after being requested or proposed by party leaders. Sometimes, they are driven by the division witnessed within political parties. Furthermore, party controversies or scandals provide golden opportunities for women to enter politics. In these events, leaders of various parties support women as they show a change from past practices and a new, more continuous political initiative. Just like family ties, political climbers are more likely to be controlled by men or hold temporary positions in their parties. . However, Adler argues that female leaders whose careers are tied to those of their male colleagues are most likely to be held accountable for their own outcomes and success. Climbing the political ranks adds credibility to them from their peers. Political climbers are highly likely to move into executive positions in parliament rather than presidential positions that offer female leaders fewer top positions. A political activist or female outsider comes to power through the support of an external structure. They manage them through opposition politics or social movements. Rhode hypothesizes that such candidates attribute their qualifications for management positions to their lack of experience. And because he ignores dirty, corrupt politics and innocence, the “outsider” will eradicate this kind of politics. Female leaders can employ this outsider to their advantage. They are interpreted as less likely to abuse power and not tainted by corruption. Women being political activists can signify a break from previous regimes in cases or controversies or party scandals. Furthermore, female politicians grant themselves outsider status simply by being female. This is why they question gender assumptions about leaders. Regional differences and political instability are some of the national-level factors that influence women's paths to office. The political structure, culture and climate in specific areas can provide valid foundations for women to rise to power. Substantive political rights could be the main reason behind the higher participation of women in European political countries compared to other regions. Hoogensen and Solheim, however, draw attention to the fact that women take on positions in areas where the general status of women appears to be low. They argue that women in European countries have different reasons for entering politics than in developing countries. No female ruler in Europe rose to power through family ties. In Asia, where there are the greatest numbers of women taking office, women are socialized to lead due to the cultural significance of powerful female ranks as iconsreligious and in families. Strange stereotypes that describe women as goddesses and mother figures can have both positive and negative impacts for women leaders in these countries. In Latin America, women take office by siding with their political parties on issues that oppose traditional women's rights. In some African regions, conflict provides political opportunities for women. Women in the Middle East and Africa face oppressions that affect their regions due to the religions, cultures and economies that dominate the politics of the regions. Although Oceania represents a diverse range of institutional and cultural networks, women have been able to successfully ascend to power in New Zealand and Australia due to strong networks of women activists. Women rise to power even in times of political instability or crisis. Poor leadership transition offers reasonable reasons for female rulers to receive support from voters opposed to the current political system. Good examples of leaders who have taken office through this channel include Ellen Johnson Sir leaf, Lydia Guiler, Violeta Cheroma, and Sylvie Kinigi. In times of crisis, women are considered attractive to party leaders due to stereotypes that women will build consensus, bridge differences, and collaborate both between and within political parties. Because women are not very present in national politics, they represent both reform and progress that give credibility to a party that aims to separate itself from its previous periods of political instability. Female political leaders are driven by various factors to pursue politics. To begin with political and gender socialization, women learn from childhood attitudes, skills and beliefs that prepare them for leadership. Parents serve as influential role models by promoting a sense of patriotism, an interest in public affairs, and a commitment to community involvement. Margret Thatcher is one such leader who came to power in this way. Lessons about gender equality and inequality also motivate both men and women to engage in politics. Interests in specific public policies motivate women to lead the office. Some are taught by their parents how to pursue the same political and professional ambitions as men. Men, on the other hand, are probably driven by professional enthusiasm. Today, many female political leaders have obtained higher education, suggesting that educational attainment may be contributing to women holding top positions in increasing numbers. Recruitment and access to social networks force women to join politics. Although Ellen Sirleaf began her government career on her own initiative, she benefited greatly from political recruitment and social connections throughout her career. An examination of the autobiographies of the world's female political rulers reveals how women encounter problems that impact their political journey. Even women who succeed in becoming prime ministers and presidents face gender processes that challenge their prosperity. Institutional structures include informal networks and antagonistic interactions that insist on team boundaries along gendered territories. Traditional and cultural expectations of women as committed spouses and mothers cause voters and peers to question their professional abilities. These show the way in which political ranks are divided by gender, and therefore women must always protect their right to hold office. Politicians are required to put politics before other responsibilities such as family, which they easily align with.