Practices of hegemonic masculinity do not only concern domination over women: practices of domination also involve "other" masculinities. Hegemonic masculinity is therefore “hegemony over women and hegemony over subordinate masculinities”, according to Demetriou (2009,341). Not all men and their practices fit into the hegemonic masculine “category.” Connell and Messerschmidt (2005:846) note that there is a hierarchy within masculinity and describe it as a model of hegemony. Within this hierarchy, some masculinities are more socially central and more associated with authority and power than others. They expand by asserting that non-hegemonic masculinities, within the sphere of masculinities, are subordinate to their hegemonic brethren. They describe this subordination as complex where factors such as cultural consensus, discursive centrality and marginalization play a role in the process of domination and the creation of non-hegemonic masculinities. Demetriou (2001, 341-343) labels non-hegemonic masculinities as internal hegemony (or male hegemony over other masculinities). Three forms of internal hegemony are identified: subordinate masculinity, marginalized masculinity and complicit masculinity. Subordinate masculinities, according to Demetriou and in conjunction with Wedgwood (2008: 335), specify that certain groups of men have less status and privilege than the hegemony “dominant” group. He uses the example of gay versus straight men – with gay men receiving the short end of the stick in relation to material practices and being discriminated against in the political, economic, cultural and legal spheres. Marginalized masculinities refer to the domination of men (by men) based on their social class and/or age...... middle of paper ...... were still engaged in violent criminal practices. Many suffered violent abuse at the hands of their fathers. Violence has historically and currently been deeply rooted in men's lives. (Walker, 2005). Walker (2005, 232) noted that many of those interviewed struggled with conflicting masculinities; on the one hand they felt guilty for beating their friends, on the other they identified with a gender order that did not denounce gender violence. In some cases provocative sexual behaviors, such as the right to sex regardless of whether the woman “didn't want it,” resulted in feelings of remorse, while others perceived violence against women as the norm. The interviewees were therefore in constant turmoil; they do not feel comfortable in traditional masculinity but have difficulty relating to “prescribed” modern sexuality (according to the “new” liberation).